Gender role stereotyping continues to be one of the most consistent domains in which adults, particularly parents, play an important role in children's socialization (Campenni, 1999; Idle, Wood & Desmarais, 1993; Lytton & Romney, 1991). Although some researchers have argued that boys and girls are innately predisposed toward selecting same-gender toys (e.g., Snow, Jacklin, & Maccoby, 1983), most believe that social--environmental events, and particularly the early influence of parents, produce toy selection preference (e.g., Caldera, Huston, & O'Brien, 1989; Eisenberg, Wolchik, Hernandez, & Pasternack, 1985; Mischel, 1966; Peretti & Sydney, 1984). Toy play and toy selection scenarios provide contexts for parents to share their knowledge and expectations regarding gender-appropriate behavior (Campenni, 1999; Idle et al., 1993). In fact, many researchers have suggested that both toy selection and parental responses to toy play serve as primary influences in the learning of "appropriate" gender roles (e.g. Calde ra et al., 1989; Fagot, 1978; Peretti & Sydney, 1984)........
The world of a child is not gender-neutral. A child's social environment includes both the physical environments to which the child is exposed and the social interactions the child experiences with others. With respect to physical environments, gender-role stereotyping is evident in the decor of children's rooms and clothes and toys that match traditional color schemes: pink for girls and blue for boys (Pomerleau, Bolduc, Malcuit, & Cossette, 1990). Although color is one cue used to define the gender appropriateness of a toy, other features such as logos are also important (Fisher-Thompson, 1990). For example, the appearance of an airplane or a flower logo may further discriminate whether the toy should be perceived as masculine or feminine. In addition, the function of toys may also predict whether they are more appropriate for boys or girls. Traditionally, girls have more dolls and domestic items whereas boys have more tools, sports equipment, and large and small vehicles in their rooms (Pomerleau et al., 1 990).
Parents also reinforce this environmental information with explicit and implicit cues that are transmitted through play opportunities. Several studies have documented the more rigid stereotyped expectations of fathers relative to mothers, which suggests a difference between parents in the degree of gender role stereotyping that occurs during play (e.g., Snow et al., 1983). For example, in a free play situation, Bradley and Gobbart (1989) gave parents a selection of masculine (e.g., a hammer), feminine (e.g., a doll), and neutral (e.g., a cloth turtle) toys and recorded the first three toys the parents presented to their children. Parents also completed a scale that measured their gender role orientations. The researchers found that fathers with traditional gender role orientations offered more gender-typed toys than nongender-typed toys. Mothers, on the other hand, did not discriminate in their toy selection. Roopuarine (1986) found similar results after examining parents' responses toward children's gender-t yped toy play. Neither mothers' nor fathers' responses to the toy play of children included ridicule or physically prohibiting children from using certain toys. However, fathers were more likely to attend to the doll play of girls than the doll play of boys, and they were more likely to give dolls to girls than to boys. Mothers did not differ in their treatment of boys and girls. Other researchers have indicated that fathers' responses to boys who engage in typical girls' play are more likely to be negative (Fagot & Hagan, 1991). In general, research on toy play interactions suggests that fathers tend to be less flexible and more gender-stereotypic than mothers.
In studies of the selection of toys rather than the context of interactive play, both mothers and fathers are more likely to buy gender-typed than nongender-typed toys. Fisher-Thompson (1993) explored the choice of toys purchased by adults who were exiting a toy store. Overall, toy store customers were more likely to purchase gender-typed than nongender-typed toys, especially when buying for a boy (Fisher-Thompson, 1993)...........
Research on the relative impact of parents, other parents, and nonparents in the gender role socialization of children is limited. In particular, no researchers have examined the relative influence of these various adults on interactive toy play situations. Given that play makes numerous contributions to children's developing understanding of gender and gender roles, and that play with toys contributes to children's ability to gender-label and act in gender-"appropriate" ways (Martin & Little, 1990; Smith & Daglish, 1977), it is critical to investigate gender role socialization in a play context. In this study we observed adults and children in a free play situation with traditionally masculine, feminine, and neutral toys; one child played separately with each of three adults: the child's parent, another child's parent, and a nonparent. Gender socialization was assessed through three measures: (1) the amount of time adult/child dyads spent engaged in play with each toy category; (2) adults' sorting of toys in to gender categories; and (3) adults' ratings of each toy's desirability. Thus, we used two methodologies (active observation and survey) in order to get converging evidence regarding gender role socialization.........
The shift in categorization of the toys, however, did not necessarily result in a change in actual play. The degree to which adults in the present study appear to be comfortable with the three categories of toys varied between situations where they were asked to evaluate the toy and the actual play situations. When we used the traditionally coded toy categories to examine gender stereotyping, masculine toys were perceived as more desirable for boys and feminine toys as more desirable for girls. The summary of the outcomes for boys' and girls' play is based on the patterns found in the independent analyses for boys and girls. This was supported during play sessions with boys where the majority of time was spent with the masculine toys. However, with girls there was more flexibility in toys used during play. Girls were equally engaged with feminine and neutral toys. When we used the revised gender categories to analyze play, girls' flexibility across toy categories became striking. There was no difference in th e amount of time spent with any of the three types of toys, whereas boys again were constrained to spending the majority of their time with masculine toys..........
In summary, the present study extends our understanding of gender typing in toy play situations. Traditionally, researchers have contrasted mothers and fathers; in the present study we explored the impact of other adults on gender typing. The key finding is that adults, for the most part, act in similar ways regardless of their parenting experience. The results also indicate that gender typing continues to be a prevalent feature of children's toy play interactions but that adults' understanding of what constitutes gender-appropriate toys is changing. This highlights the importance of assessing not only which features define appropriate gender roles but also what social changes precipitate the evolution of gender stereotypes.